Tom Wolfe recounts in The Right Stuff the elaborate steps NASA took to prepare the original Mercury astronauts for space flight. The theory was that if in training an astronaut could be exposed to all possible sensations of space, then nothing during the flight itself could pose a
surprise. Thus, NASA made the astronauts hole up in mock space capsules for hours on end, piping recordings of Redstone rocket launches into headsets, rolling aerial photos of the Caribbean through the periscope, causing the capsule to yaw from side to side, to emit the gentle "whoosh" of hydrogen-peroxide thrusters, each time a finger touched the stick. Still, despite the simulations, nothing ever quite readies one for space, as John Glenn's rocky reentry through the earth's atmosphere -- owing to Friendship 7's loose heat shield -- later made clear.
A similar type of training has been in progress for those who keep at least one eye on Congress. Since last November 7, the political capsule we inhabit has been the object of simulations designed to help us understand, in advance of the actual change, what a Democratically controlled Senate and House would feel like. We've consumed untold articles, forecasts, analyses, insights, tips, etc., on everything from the predilections of the new Democratic committee chairs, to the ascendant culture of oversight, to the prospects for this or that health care issue. And so now, in late February (45 years, to the day, since Glenn became the first American to orbit earth), the political "phony war" (State of the Union, 2008 budget submission, first 100 hours) has drawn to a close, and we've settled into the actualities of daily experience. So how does it feel?
Well, it does feel different -- different in ways for which our training has not quite prepared us. The headlines scream names . . . Waxman, Dingell, Kennedy . . . that are familiar, but that seem misplaced in an era of iPhones, private equity, and Angelina Jolie. Recent House oversight hearings -- putting drug pricing in the same species of infamy that the war in Iraq is said to occupy -- were entirely predictable, given all our training, all our post-election simulations. Yet, in the actual event, the effect was still a bit jarring. I mean no partisanship (the author being that form of political relic known as a Stevenson Democrat) when I say that for health care our heat shield feels not entirely secure.
If there is an early lesson in all this, it is perhaps a familiar one: The titanic tug of war between growing health care demand and constricting health care budgets is not just about "reimbursement." Instead, it is a multifaceted engagement, with theaters of action stretching across many venues, not the least of which is Congress. Former BCBS executive Harry Cain, writing in Health Affairs, has noted that "[t]he Medicare statute undergoes an average of fifty changes each year . . ." Cain published those words in the summer of 1999, before enactment of BBRA, BIPA, MMA, and DRA -- the combined effects of which must have driven up his average considerably. In all, to focus tightly on the coveragecodingpayment trilogy is to quaff small beer (see previous post, "The Reimbursement Times They Are A-Changin"). Today's environment rewards a broad-gauged perspective that recognizes "reimbursement" as a sweeping if subtle swirl of issues that's policy-diced, PR-sliced, and ultimately societal.
And so, yes, prepare, simulate, do all that can be done to narrow the zone of uncertainty. But expect also the unpredicted pocket of turbulence.
Godspeed, Leslie Norwalk!